Covering Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni for four years as the Reuters correspondent in Kampala was seldom dull.

When he was in a good mood, the former rebel would banter with journalists long after his aides wanted him to leave. In a bad mood, he would scowl and growl back answers in return.

He was often charismatic and regularly very funny.

At one meeting with then International Monetary Fund boss Rodrigo Rato in August 2004, he had participants in stitches as he described a panel of portly finance ministry officials as “not typical Ugandans”.

“These ones are eating for others,” Museveni joked as the civil servants squirmed.

The cattle herd boy turned guerrilla commander portrays himself as a tough but humble man with simple tastes.

Reporters in the scenic capital Kampala soon learned that one way to cheer him up was to ask about his extensive cattle herds, or better still, anything to do with the armed forces.

More than once, he called for a whiteboard and marker pens so he could explain Uganda’s military structure in detail to “criminally ignorant” journalists.

At the weekend, state media confirmed that the 64-year-old — who has already ruled the country for 22 years — would be running for re-election at polls in 2011.

The news cheered investors who like his record of steady economic growth and are hungry for opportunities in emerging markets.

But it will frustrate critics, including some Western donors, who have criticised his increasingly autocratic leadership style.

What do you think? Is economic stability or political change more important in a fast growing nation like Uganda? Has one of the biggest characters of African politics overstayed his welcome already?

Zimbabwe’s ruling ZANU-PF and the opposition MDC will start talks on Tuesday aimed at thrashing out a power-sharing deal to end the country’s political crisis.

President Robert Mugabe, MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai and a smaller MDC faction signed a framework for the talks in South Africa on Monday — a deal that South African leader Thabo Mbeki said committed Zimbabwe’s political rivals to an intense timetable.

But will Mugabe and Tsvangirai’s first handshake in a decade be enough to set aside the rivalries and distrust between the two men in the wake of Zimbabwe’s disputed elections over three months ago and the June 27 run-off which Mugabe won as the sole candidate?

Mugabe has said the agreement was to “chart a new way of political interaction” while Tsvangirai said not finding a solution is not an option.

Will two weeks of talks be enough for the rival parties to settle their differences and work out a way to set up a government of national unity, promoted by the African Union and Southern African Development Community as a solution to the crisis?

The road to Kenya’s Tana River Delta from the Indian Ocean resort of Malindi is a lonely stretch of tarmac punctuated only by road blocks manned by armed police.

Few people from the outside world come this way.

Most foreign and local holidaymakers heading for the popular Lamu Islands prefer to fly rather than use the road.

On either side, grasslands stretch to the horizon. People here live as they have for decades, making a living from grazing animals and fishing.

But a proposed sugar and biofuels project would see 20,000 hectares of the pristine wetland planted with cane.

The plan has sparked anger among some locals and conservationists, who say it is a threat to their way of life and a precious eco-system.

I was given a tour of the area by government officials and the project backers.

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The government is working in partnership with the private sector to grow sugar in the area in a bid to fill an annual deficit, create jobs and latch onto enthusiasm for biofuels in the face of surging oil prices.

East Africa’s biggest economy imports about 200,000 tonnes of sugar every year as its western sugar belt does not produce enough to meet requirements.

But opponents of the Tana project say it will hurt livestock-keeping communities through loss of grazing lands and also threaten hundreds of wildlife species, including birds and rare sharks.

The pastoralists and the conservation groups, which include Nature Kenya and Britain’s Royal Society for the Protection of Birds, have filed a case against the project in court. Earlier this month, the nation’s high court stopped the project temporarily, pending a judicial review.

Kenya’s Nobel Laureate, environmentalist Wangari Maathai, has weighed in, saying no sugar or biofuel is worth messing with the delta.

Project backers say the area - which has a high rate of poverty and illiteracy - needs new investments as the only route to development.

Danson Mungatana, the local member of parliament, captured hopes of transforming the area when he told constituents they would get satellite TV and other modern amenities when the project is up and running.

But will the plans really benefit locals? Should the government go ahead?

How do you strike a balance between development and environmental protection? Is self-sufficiency in sugar, job creation and energy production a good reason for developing wetlands? What do you think?

Tributes poured in on Friday as anti-apartheid struggle icon and international statesman Nelson Mandela celebrated his 90th birthday.

Mandela is revered globally for using his personal charm to promote reconciliation in a racially divided country on the verge of a racial bloodbath after his release from 27 years in apartheid jails for battling white domination. The emerging multiracial or rainbow nation he moulded is seen as his greatest legacy. 

Johannesburg’s leading daily, Business Day, referred to this in its editorial: “It is no exaggeration to state that it is highly unlikely there would have been a negotiated transition from minority to majority rule in SA had it not been for Mandela’s wisdom, humility, dignity under pressure and willingness to compromise in the interests of peace.”

Former South African President F.W. de Klerk, the country’s last white ruler,  referred to Mandela in his tribute as “the most famous South African who ever lived and is universally regarded as one of the greatest figures of the 20th century”. The South African government, which Mandela headed, said in its birthday message: “Your vision has implanted in our society the seeds of social cohesion and national reconciliation to which prosperity will look back with awe and admiration.”

But 14 years after the election of Mandela marked the end of apartheid, South Africa is struggling with  serious political, economic and social issues compounded by rifts and tension within the ruling African National Congress, which was the vanguard of the liberation struggle. Is Mandela’s legacy under threat? Send a birthday message to Madiba and have your say on how his great legacy should be preserved.

On Friday I wrote that the International Criminal Court's chief prosecutor was readying a genocide charge and arrest warrant for Sudan's President Omar Hassan al-Bashir.  It came to pass today. A defiant Khartoum has said it will not bend to the court and has warned of an eruption of violence; the opposition too has said the warrant could threaten peace. Is this a case of justice versus peace and do the two have to be irreconcilable?

Here's Friday's blog:

Prosecutors at the International Criminal Court are readying arrest warrants for senior Sudanese officials, possibly even President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, sources at The Hague court have told Reuters. The Washington Post said it understood Bashir would face charges of genocide and crimes against humanity.

Would the world's first permanent international criminal court be wise to take on a serving president? There is a precedent - another war crimes court in The Hague, the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia,  issued an indictment for Slobodan Milosevic while he was still president.

Milosevic did finally appear before the court to answer the charges, although his trial was cut short by his death. Supporters of that court said bringing top commanders to justice was essential if the Balkans were to find lasting peace.

But Sudan is not Serbia. Sudan expert Alex da Waal has warned that going after Sudanese leaders could embolden rebels in Darfur and reignite conflict. International aid organisations operating in Sudan fear a backlash.

Would it be wiser to work with Sudan's leaders for peace rather than pursuing them through the courts? And what chance of securing arrests even if warrants are issued?

Nigeria’s revenues from oil exports have reached unprecedented levels as global crude prices rally, yet the majority of its 140 million population remain mired in poverty. Africa’s top oil producer set up an “excess crude account” five years ago to save windfall oil earnings and try to help promote long-term economic stability.

But infighting among the three tiers of government — federal, state and local — on how the revenues should be shared out has seen them squandered.

The country is starved of electricity, the roads in even its plushest suburbs are pitted with potholes, and nine out of 10 people live on less than $2 a day, according to U.N.statistics.

How should Nigeria’s oil revenues be managed? Why is the country’s infrastructure so dilapidated when its state budgets are so high? Should the country set up a sovereign wealth fund? Would it be any better managed than the existing arrangement?

MARSABIT, Kenya - We are in two Land Rover Defenders, headed north to Ethiopia through one of Kenya’s remotest and harshest areas.

Our route is along the Great North Road, the famed Cape Town-to-Cairo highway on what is said to be the only untarmacked stretch on the whole continent - roughly 550 kilometres from where the highway ends at Isiolo town north to Moyale on the Ethiopian border.  It has all the wildlife and stunning scenery Kenya is world-famous for, but few tourists ever see it.

This is part of the old Northern Frontier District, the arid top half of Kenya which was closed to visitors by the British colonial government because of its inaccessibility, harsh conditions and endless banditry.  Little has changed since independence in 1963.

 To call the wide track of dirt, ruts and rocks a road is an insult to other roads. It demands a four-wheel drive vehicle, and punishes any that comes with an endless succession of shuddering bumps, heat and fine dust that penetrates every corner. It has taken us two days to reach Marsabit, a mere 600 km from Nairobi. But out here, trips are measured by time, not by distance.

We - Reuters TV producer Patrick Muiruri, Reuters photographer Antony Njuguna, navigator Michael Githaiga and mechanics Frederick “British” Gappy,  Lawrence “Jughead” Waithaka and myself - are rolling in convoy in case one vehicle develops a problem. There is another reason to move together - safety in numbers. Cattle-rustling is still a rite of passage for young warriors among the nomadic peoples that roam the dry plains with herds of cattle, goats, camels and sheep. It has intensified in recent decades thanks to an influx of automatic weapons from conflicts in neighbouring Somalia and Sudan.

Violence here is regular and can easily spill over into outright warfare. Banditry has also blossomed in these badlands.

The government presence here is thinly stretched and usually without the equipment needed to police the problem, leaving police and paramilitary soldiers in a reactive position. Electricty, water and functioning telephones are rare sights, and in most places were never brought by the state-owned utilities. Schools are there, but it is difficult for teachers to get students from wandering clans. Most schoolchildren in other parts of Kenya are speaking English and Swahili by the age of 5; here, it is common to find boys of 15 who cannot speak Swahili - the lingua franca of a nation with more than 42 different ethnic groups.

Local people speak of Kenya Mbili - Two Kenyas - the developed southern half, and theirs, the forgotten and neglected one.

“When someone leaves for Nairobi, people say he has gone to Kenya.
There is a sense of being second class, neglected,” said Hussein Sasura, a native of the Marsabit area, told us. Sasura is also the assistant minister in the new Ministry for Northern and Arid Lands, which aims to bring development to this vast region.
He’s optimistic that things are finally changing after 45 years of independence, from which the north has rarely tasted any fruits.

Two big developments are already inching their way north. Chinese engineers are beginning to lay 136 km of asphalt from Isiolo to near the Merille River, the first phase of a plan to finish the road to Moyale. Already, tourist lodges and wildlife managers are planning for an upsurge in tourists to an area that usually is reached by light aircraft or those willing to make the punishing trip to see some of Kenya’s still-unspoiled beauty.

Moving faster is a team of engineers laying a fibre optic cable alongside the road, working under a Ministry of Information and Communication contract to bring internet and telephone service to all corners of the country. Digging with a 10-metre long cable-laying machine, they say they expect to hit the border in about two months.

And oil men from China are already prospecting in Merti, and have plans to look elsewhere in a region rumoured for decades to have oil. All this means more people will be in the district, but will it bring all the attendant commerce and development? Can the highway bring more tourists and help tame the insecurity? Will the road and communications infrastructure finally unite the Two Kenyas?

This week’s G8 summit in Japan marks 6 years since the group of the world’s top industrial nations adopted a comprehensive action plan to support initiatives to spur the development of Africa. The G8 Africa Action Plan adopted at a summit in Kananaskis, Canada, in 2002 was seen as the biggest boost to Africa’s own home-grown development initiative, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, NEPAD. The G8 Plan pledges to help Africa tackle the main obstacles to its development — from promoting peace and security, to boosting trade and implementing debt relief to expanding education, health facilities and fighting HIV/AIDS.

As a followup to the Action Plan, the G8 at its 2005 summit in Scotland agreed to double aid by 2010 to $50 billion, half of which would go to Africa. But as G8 leaders prepared  for this year’s summit in Japan, the Africa Progress Panel set up to monitor implementation of the 2005 commitments issued a gloomy report last month. It said under current spending the G8 would fall $40 billion short of its target. Other aid agency officials accused the G8 of backtracking on its pledges to Africa.

But some analysts argue that agreements reached at the 2005 summit were just a part of the G8 Africa Action Plan which offers a far more comprehensive framework for dealing with the continent’s problems. Britain under Prime Minister Tony Blair played a leading role in placing Africa’s problems at the top of the G8 agenda. The UK progress report details London’s implementation of the G8 Action Plan including its role as lead international partner in Sierra Leone after helping to end civil war in the former colony in 2002. US President George W. Bush has won praise in Africa for commiting more of the administrations’s resources to Africa’s war against HIV/AIDS.

But overall, has the G8 kept faith with Africa in the implementation of the Africa Action Plan? How have the decisions of the G8 helped your country or your personal life? Has NEPAD shown enough capacity to keep the G8 focused on its pledges? Is the G8 likely to switch its focus from Africa to more pressing global issues like soaring oil prices and the threat of inflation and recession in its own member countries? Have your say.

Nigeria is unhappy at Robert Mugabe's continuing presidency in Zimbabwe.

The opinion of Africa's most populous nation and its second biggest economy is hard to ignore, although some may observe Nigeria's own presidential elections last year were not above reproach. "We express our strong displeasure at the process leading to the election and its outcome," Foreign Minister Ojo Maduekwe told reporters, saying any negotiations over the future shape of Zimbabwe's government should set the flawed election process to one side.

A few hours earlier, Botswana had called on southern African nations to refuse to recognise Mugabe.

Was it coincidence or the start of a concerted push by African states dismayed at the failure of South African President Thabo Mbeki to broker a deal that would end the Zimbabwe crisis? Mbeki's role as mediator looks ever more untenable. Today's endorsement of his role by Robert Mugabe will hardly have helped.

Are the public statements by Nigeria and Botswana the beginning of something bigger? Will more African governments speak out? And how long can Mbeki continue as mediator?

Kenya's parliament and critics are calling loudly for Finance Minister Amos Kimunya to be fired for his role in the secretive government sale of a luxury hotel under murky circumstances. Pressure is mounting for Kimunya to resign or for his political patron, President Mwai Kibaki, to fire him over the sale of the Grand Regency hotel to a company that includes Libyan investors and at least one senior Kenya Central Bank employee.

The matter has tested the government set up in a power-sharing deal to end a bloody post election crisis

Kimunya denies wrongdoing and says the price offered was too good to resist. Political opponents and others have said that the value was drastically low, but straight answers about who bought it, how the deal came about and who is benefiting have not been forthcoming or given when asked for by the public or the press.

It hasn't helped Kimunya's situation that the Grand Regency first came to public scorn in the early 1990s when the man at the heart of the country's longest running corruption scandal bought it with what the government says was stolen Central Bank money. That scandal, the Goldenberg affair, nearly brought the country's economy to its knees and became the symbol for most in the east African nation of the impunity with which politicians and a small politically connected elite can steal public assets.

Adding to Kenyan frustration is the fact that many of the players from that era are still active in politics or remain in the small club of the connected. For example, the lawyer who handled the sale of the Grand Regency in 1994 to accused Goldenberg architect Kamlesh Pattni is now a government minister and is on the commission investigating the new case. Also on that commission is Justice Aaron Ringera, who earns 2.5 million Kenya shillings ($37,820) per month in his job as the head of the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission -- and Kimunya was on the panel that awarded Ringera that job.

So with so many close connections among the relatively small political elite, so much official obfuscation and a poisonous political atmosphere, will Kenya's taxpayers ever get a straight answer on how the deal came about or how they will benefit? Will -- or should -- anyone be punished for what is shaping up to be the latest Kenyan corruption scandal?

And what could it mean for the coalition?