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For The Hugh Hewitt
Daily Brief
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Sunday, October 12, 2008
Posted by: Bill Dyer at 7:15 PM

(Guest Post by Bill Dyer a/k/a Beldar):

At page 69 of his bloated report, investigator Steve Branchflower squarely admitted — as he had to — that there is no doubt whatsoever that Gov. Palin acted within her legal rights to reassign Walt Monegan (rather than accept which, he resigned), even if that's characterized as her having fired him:

The governor may discharge department heads without cause. The constitution provides that department heads "serve at the pleasure of the governor." Alaska Constitution Article III, section 25; see also AS 39.05.030. Those who serve at the pleasure of their employers are subject to discharge at will. See Witt v. State Department of Corrections, 75 P.3d 1030, 1033 (Alaska 2003).

In light of this constitutional and statutory authority, it is clear that Governor Palin could fire Commissioner Walt Monegan at will, for almost any reason, or no reason at all.

Writing at the Volokh Conpsiracy, however, Professor David Post of Temple University’s Beasley School of Law summarily dismisses one of the main points made in my Friday evening post here, while ignoring all of my other points. On the one point of mine that Prof. Post chose to address — to the effect that the two main conclusions in the Branchflower Report are internally inconsistent — Prof. Post writes:

Bill Dyer’s report at Townhall.org (to which Jonathan Adler pointed in his original posting here) claims that the Report is fatally flawed with a central inconsistency: ...

Here's a note to Mr. Branchflower, who clearly is verbose, but obviously none too keen a scholar of logic: Gov. Palin's so-called "firing" of Monegan (it wasn't a firing, it was a re-assignment to other government duties that he resigned rather than accept) can't simultaneously be a violation of the Ethics Act and "a proper and lawful exercise of her constitutional and statutory authority." This, gentle readers, is a 263-page piece of political circus that actually explicitly refutes itself on its single most key page!

That doesn’t really make any sense. It is perfectly logical to conclude, as the Report does, that (a) the re-assignment of Monegan was lawful and consistent with the Ethics Act, and (b) other conduct of Gov. Palin was not lawful and consistent with the Ethics Act. This is hardly an “explicit refutation†or some kind of inconsistency.

Reduced to its nub (and setting aside the overstatement of the case against Gov. Palin that's inherent in this formulation), Prof. Post — like Branchflower — is thus in the position of arguing both that (a) it was perfectly okay for Gov. Palin to actually fire Monegan, but (b) it was not okay for Gov. Palin to threaten to fire Monegan.

Prof. Post gives no explanation for why that not a contradiction. And one need not be a law professor, or a lawyer, or even the sharpest tool in the shed, to see the absence of logic in that position. But let me play devil's advocate against myself. Let's focus for a moment solely on the only "other conduct" besides the actual reassignment of Monegan in which Gov. Palin, her husband, and her aides were alleged to have been involved.

All of it was, quite literally, just talk — oral and written talk, by Gov. Palin (in person or through emails), by First Dude Todd Palin, or by Gov. Palin's staff — which Gov. Palin's opponents (including Branchflower and, now apparently, Prof. Post) contend was intended to persuade or compel Monegan into taking some action with respect to Trooper Wooten.

Mere talk cannot be a violation of the Ethics Act, because by its clear and unambiguous terms, it may only be violated by an "effort to benefit a personal or financial interest through official action."

Ethics provisions like these aren't intended to be legislative enactments of mind or speech control. They're intended to control the actual — or at least the threatened — use of official power. If there's no use (or even threatened use) of official power, no taking (or even threatened taking) of official action, then there can't be an abuse of power.

And that's true even if we engage in the highly questionable supposition that merely gratifying one's purported desire for vengeance is a "personal interest" within the intention of the Alaska Legislature when it passed this statute. (Reading the statute that broadly would literally make it unethical for the governor to ever take any official action that left her pleased on her own behalf as a citizen; she'd be confined to only acting in ways that left her feeling at best neutral or unhappy in her private capacity. And that's just as silly, too.)

No, gentle readers, the only actual or threatened "official action" ever involved in this whole mess was the firing (or actually as it turned out, reassignment) of Monegan, allegedly because he wouldn't fire (or do something further involving) Wooten. And that action cannot simultaneously be both a "violation of the Ethics Act" and "a proper and lawful exercise of her constitutional and statutory authority."

This isn't hard. This isn't subtle. This isn't nuanced. This isn't something on which you have to let the "experts" — whether that's Branchflower, or Prof. Post, or me (since we all have exactly the same kind of law degrees) — do your thinking for you.

And I respectfully submit to you, for your own consideration, the proposition that this question is something on which you can reach the opposite conclusion only if, like Prof. Post, you just make an assertion that old Beldar here "doesn't really make any sense" — and then you quickly change the subject without bothering to deal with the specifics of what the "official action" (besides reassigning Monegan) could have been.

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UPDATE (Sun Oct 12 @ 9:10 p.m. CST): A commenter at my own blog asks for an example of a "personal interest" of the sort that I think might be implicated by the Ethics Act in Alaska. Section 39.52.960(18) of the Alaska Statutes (most current version, as quoted at page 50 of the Branchflower Report) defines that term as meaning "an interest held or involvement by a public officer, or the officer's immediate family member or parent, including membership, in any organization, whether fraternal, nonprofit, for profit, charitable, or political, from which, or as a result of which, a person or organization receives a benefit." Notwithstanding that lengthy definition, I think that the terms "personal interest" and "benefit" have to be construed very narrowly indeed to be workable, but here's an obvious example of a discrete, objective, non-financial but cognizable interest that was probably the sort of thing the Alaska Legislature had in mind when they defined the statute to encompass official action that benefited either "personal or financial interest[s]": A governor issues an official pardon in her own favor to excuse himself or herself from felony criminal responsibility under a state law. That's going to be an extremely rare situation, and it's obviously not this one.

Also: A commenter here points out that "official action" is defined in section 39.52.960(14) of the Alaska Statutes to include "advice, participation, or assistance, including, for example, a recommendation, decision, approval, disapproval, vote, or other similar action, including inaction, by a public officer." The commenter suggests that this permits "just talk" to be official action. I disagree that this makes all talk into "official action"; rather, what's key is that there be a specific action (or forebearance from acting) even if that action is performed by talking. Again, all that has ever been persuasively argued in the whole of Tasergate is that Gov. Palin impliedly threatened to take action against Monegan (firing or reassigning him) if he didn't act (critics say by firing, but that's their inference rather than anything Gov. Palin actually said) with respect to Wooten. Yes, the ethics statute — as substantially revised, broadened, and signed into law by Gov. Palin herself! — is intended to be broad. What it's intended to reach, however, is the exercise of power, through deeds or threats of deeds — and it's silly to say that it prohibits talking about a particular deed while not prohibiting the doing of that deed.

Finally: Branchflower only relied upon the first sentence of section 39.52.960(a), which contains the prohibition against "any effort to benefit a personal or financial interest through official action." As commenter Dan M notes on Prof. Post's post, that section goes on to recognize that "in a representative democracy, the representatives are drawn from society and, therefore, cannot and should not be without personal and financial interests in the decisions and policies of government." Moreover, under section 39.52.960(b), "there is no substantial impropriety if, as to a specific matter, a public officer's personal or financial interest in the matter is ... of a type that is possessed generally by the public or a large class of persons to which the public officer belongs." All Alaskans presumably share Gov. Palin's "personal interest" in not having child abusing law-breakers serve as state troopers. That should be the cue for good civil libertarians, including Prof. Post, to ask themselves: "Why are we lining up on the side of the trooper who drinks while driving his patrol car, illegally shot a moose while assigned to patrol fish and game violations, and Tasered his own 10-year-old stepson?" (I'll give them a hint: It starts with the letter "O.")

— Beldar



Sunday, October 12, 2008
Posted by: Hugh Hewitt at 7:33 AM
Does last week's volatility in the financial markets foreshadow next week's volatility in the political markets?  Gambling on subprime loans led the nation and the world to last week's financial destruction.  Will the prospect of an enormous gamble on an unknown and untested, hard left Chicago-machine pol with an Ayers-Rezko-Wright-ACORN resume and backed by a Pelosi-Reid Congress trigger a massive sell-off in Obama futures?

Politico.com reports on the battle for Pennsylvania.
  McCain-Palin is focused on the Keystone State as the battleground in the final three weeks, and on a growth agenda that will contrast with the "shared misery" of Obama-Pelsoi-Reid.

The financial panic helped Obama establish a lead and he and Joe Biden are doing everything they can to project inevitability (and getting a lot of help from their MSM friends in doing so, right down to the "hate-speech-at-McCain-rallies" stories).

But as the shock of market losses wears off, the American public is asking how to repair the damage, and they know from example after example that the statist model being proposed by Obama-Pelosi-Reid not only doesn't work, it deepens all economic woes.  The Dems anti-trade stand and their addiction to non-strategic spending guarantees at best a very weak return to growth.  The massive tax hikes promised by Obama will kill any prospect of vigorous growth for the foreseeable future.

Every vote for every Dem is a vote for a prolonged recession and ruinous fiscal and trade policies.  Last week's stampede in the markets created a stampede in the polling as well, but three weeks is a very long time for people to consider their economic and security futures, and all the battleground states are either tied or low single digit leads for Obama.  

Here's where McCain's relentlessness and experience of last year and the early primaries pays off.  He knows --and Obama's team knows-- that this is an environment in which a massive shift can occur.  The message is two fold: Voters can't trust Obama, and they need Reaganesque policies.

We can skip the Carter years 2.0.  We don't have to have four years of failed experiments in redistributing wealth and sharing out pain that ends up with everyone poorer, much more unemployment, and a terribly weakened national defense.  

McCain-Palin are stumping in the land of the bitter, gun-clinging God loving Steeler and Eagles fans.  It will be wonderful irony if the people Obama insulted at a cocktail party in San Francisco turn out to be the ones who kept their heads and turned the tide for John McCain.
 


Saturday, October 11, 2008
Posted by: Hugh Hewitt at 11:02 PM
I will be broadcasting from HI next week as part of my first local market trip to the Aloha State.  The reading list for the week long trip:

Prompted by our two hour long conversation this past week (the best guide to the election yet, transcript here, and podcasts here and here), Victor Davis Hanson's A War Unlike Any Other: How the Athenians and Spartans Fought the Peloponnesian War

A War Like No Other: How the Athenians and Spartans Fought the Peloponnesian War

Paul Johnson's The Renaissance,

The Renaissance: A Short History (Modern Library Chronicles)

and Robert Kurson's Shadow Divers

Shadow Divers: The True Adventure of Two Americans Who Risked Everything to Solve One of the Last Mysteries of World War II



Saturday, October 11, 2008
Posted by: Bill Dyer at 4:41 PM

(Guest Post by Bill Dyer a/k/a Beldar)

I know that for some folks, Saturday is another workday. But this Saturday has been a wonderful day for me, at least, to take a breather from bad economic news and fierce political argument.

And how 'bout them Longhorns? On this perfect fall day in Dallas, two highly-ranked teams of college athletes from, respectively, the University of Texas at Austin (my college and law school alma mater), ranked No. 5, and Oklahoma University, ranked No. 1, squared off in their annual football rivalry, the Red River Classic. They delivered a gem of a game — a Texas win this year, 45 to 35 — that did honor to all concerned and certainly entertained everyone who watched.

Hook 'Em Horns!

Remember to take time to enjoy the good times within even these intense times, friends and neighbors. I hope you all have found some means for release and relaxation on this fall day in a country we love.

— Beldar



Saturday, October 11, 2008
Posted by: Bill Dyer at 4:21 PM

(Guest Post by Bill Dyer a/k/a Beldar)

I extend my condolences to Betsy Newmark, the fine blogger who's long been on both Hugh's and my blogrolls as the writer of Betsy's Page, on the loss of her father, George Washington Bamberger, last night at age 93. Like my own, Betsy's dad was a veteran, a volunteer who'd served in the Pacific theater in WWII. And as also was true in my family, she only heard some of her father's war stories when he told them to his grandchildren. But he no doubt reveled quietly and long in the calmer life of a husband, father and grandfather, and businessman. We all mourn with her the passage of yet another unpretentious American hero of our Greatest Generation, and we commend her father and his entire family for his life lived well.

— Beldar



Saturday, October 11, 2008
Posted by: Hugh Hewitt at 10:44 AM
Read all the details here, and note that the weak-kneed anti-free speech police lacked anything resembling conviction.  Classic bullies: They melted away when confronted.  Bravo, Mark Steyn and Maclean's.


Saturday, October 11, 2008
Posted by: Hugh Hewitt at 10:39 AM
Powerline's Scott Johnson notes that one of America's greatest singers/songwriters has begun his seventh decade.  (HT: RobinsonandLong.com.)

Yes, my conservative friends, I know he is a lefty's lefty, but he is also one of the very best at his craft.   I expect lefties to admire Steyn's artistry with words, and our side to recognize artistic excellence regardless of political differences.


Saturday, October 11, 2008
Posted by: Hugh Hewitt at 10:10 AM


Saturday, October 11, 2008
Posted by: Hugh Hewitt at 9:28 AM
From The Atlantic's Ross Douhat and Volokh's Ilya Somin.  (HT:  Election 2008).

Douhat:

And the convergence of an economic crisis and complete Democratic control of Washington should alarm even those conservatives eager to wash their hands of the GOP. The best reason for even the most disaffected right-winger to root for a McCain victory is simple: To the extent that much of the progressive agenda is a program in search of a crisis to justify its implementation, an election that delivers a liberal candidate who's adored by the media to White House, gives him huge majorities in both houses of Congress, and presents him with a worldwide state of emergency in which to govern, has the potential to be not just another loss for conservatives, but a once-in-a-generation defeat.

Somin:

We know from past history that economic crises are a major opportunity for expansion of government power. Robert Higgs' book Crisis and Leviathan is a good discussion of the basic dynamics. We also know that divided government tends to impede the growth of the state, while united government facilitates it. The combination of united government and a major economic crisis is likely to lead to a great expansion of government, just as it did on several previous occasions such as the 1930s. It only remains to add that Obama - and most of the rest of the Democratic Party - tend to be very pro-government ideologically. As far as I can tell, Obama proposes major expansions of government regulation and spending on almost every big domestic issue, and doesn't propose to retract government in any significant way, except on military intervention in Iraq. Obama's record in the Senate (where he was the 10th most liberal senator) and in the Illinois state legislature (where he was more liberal than 73% of his fellow Democrats) shows him to be a big government liberal, not a relative moderate like Bill Clinton during his presidency.





Saturday, October 11, 2008
Posted by: Duane R. Patterson at 3:11 AM
We know Barack Obama's line - Bill Ayers lived in my neighborhood, that he met him a couple of times on a board, he thought Ayers had been rehabilitated.  Believable?

James Rosen of Fox News conducted a half hour phone interview with Mr. Ayers, the unrepentant terrorist and co-founder of the Weathermen Underground, in May of 2004 as part of his research into his John Mitchell biography, The Stong Man.  Listen and read, and then judge for yourself whether Obama's claim that the radical beliefs of an associate and friend of fifteen year weren't known to him is believable or not.  

Copyright James Rosen, 2004

Rosen-Ayers 1

BA: It’s easy sitting in America with all of our wealth and privilege, and all of our layers and layers of denial. It’s easy to say, to point to all the evil out there in the world and say but we’re good people, we’re good people. And of course, the problem there is that we fail to actually look at our history and our impact on the world. And so if you say something, if you point out what’s happened in the last two weeks, oh, that’s an aberration, and un-American. I love that. Donald Rumsfeld says it’s un-American. When this began, George Bush said we’re going to go in there and shock and awe.  

JR: Right. 

BA: What the hell is shock and awe? It’s murdering innocents, it’s humiliating people, it’s devastating a country, and so we’re doing it now up close and personal. 

JR: Well, it’s interesting, I think that a lot of people, a lot of liberals are galled by George W. Bush, and have a more visceral hatred for him than they did even Richard Nixon, because he is Nixon with a bit of telegenic charm, which Nixon lacked.  

BA: Well, he’s very charming, and charm does get you pretty far in American politics. It’s kind of frightening.


Rosen-Ayers 2

BA: I don’t think our move was so much towards violence. I think that what we did was to look at this situation of 2,000 people a day being murdered and try to figure out a couple of things. One is how can be effectively resist the war when we thought our charge was to convince the majority of the American people to oppose it. We did, and still the war went on, and still the murder went on. So what do you do? And in that moment, SDS and every other organization came unglued, and people went different ways. Some people joined the Democratic Party, tried to build a peace wing within it, some people went to factories, some people ran away to Europe, some people ran away to the hills of California. What we did was try to build the capacity to survive what we saw was an impending American fascism. We didn’t want to, we looked at the conspiracy trial, which we were very close to, and we didn’t want to spend two years defending ourselves. That seemed like a complete waste of energy and time. And so we said to ourselves, what are we going to do?  

JR: Which, by the way, Mitchell was responsible for, I mean, had authorized in a way that Clark had specifically declined to bring. 

BA: Right, exactly. And so this is what we saw. We saw the movement either being targeted like Fred Hampton and shot in the head, or targeted like the Chicago 7, dragged into federal court where they had to spend zillions of resources and energy and people hours defending themselves against this completely corrupt government, and this completely corrupt Justice Department on this completely corrupt charge. So yeah, we found that an appalling alternative, and so we set about building a clandestine organization. And the whole point was to survive them, and then possible to take the fight to them against the war and against empire generally.


Rosen-Ayers 3

JR: Would you say that the, what the lesson of Days Of Rage was, was that this could not be accomplished by a direct confrontation? 

BA: No, I don’t think there was, I don’t think we concluded that exactly, but I think we were moving in a direction that said demonstrations, you know, we’ve tried to demonstrate, we’ve tried to petition our government, we’ve gone door to door and knocked on doors, we’ve talked to our neighbors, we’ve talked to, you know, our parents, our Republican parents, and everybody agrees with us. But we can’t stop the war. So what do we do? And I think the Days Of Rage was, in many ways, mis-calibrated top to bottom. I mean, I think we thought that, you know, the militants had to have their day in the leadership, and that we had always provided the shock troops for the big demonstrations, but we’d never actually set the terms and the tone and the slogans, and so on. But I think we had, by that time, so isolated ourselves and alienated ourselves from our allies that it was pretty much an empty exercise.

Rosen-Ayers 4

JR: Is it your understanding that the only people who ever died as a result of any of the WU’s activities were the three who died in the townhouse?  

BA: Absolutely.  

JR: Is that true? 

BA: Absolutely true. 

JR: Okay.  

BA: And no one else died, and that was both, you know, you could say it was a happy chance, but it was also by design. And I describe in some detail the struggle within us about, within each one of us as well as among us, about how far, how are you willing to take that step into what I consider the abyss of violence. And we really never did, except for that moment in the townhouse. And I try to imagine what went on there, but the reason I don’t completely buy your thing about violence is because I actually think destroying property in the face of that kind of catastrophe is so restrained, and I don’t see it as a big deal. I mean, the Catholic left, when the Berrigan Brothers climb into nuclear silos and hammer on the warheads, is that terrible terrorism and violence? I don’t get it. 

JR: Right. 

BA: I don’t see where the equivalency is. Yes, they’re crossing a line. Yes, they’re breaking the law. Yes, they’re using weapons. But they’re also not hurting anybody. They’re not killing anybody. Meanwhile, in the background, 2,000 people are being lined up in a pit and shot.  

JR: Right. 

BA: And where those things become equivalent is, just boggles my mind.


Rosen-Ayers 5

JR: What were your own emotions as you saw the Pentagon, which for you has been for many years a symbol of this kind of horror, you know, when you saw a plane slam into it or… 

BA: Well, I never saw that actually, because I don’t think that was broadcast. 

JR: That’s true. They had some still photographs, but not…yeah. 

BA: The World Trade Center was, I mean, I think my reaction was much like yours unless you, I mean, I don’t know you, but I mean the only group of people that I know who weren’t weeping for the next several weeks were the people who were busy typing legislation into their computers.   

JR: Well, and Palestinians were seen dancing in the streets about the two, yeah. 

BA: You know, I think that was also a bit overwrought in the American press. I think that’s…but I think there is an indication, I mean, you know, in Chile, there was a demonstration that day about the overthrow of Allende. And you know, we have a bit of, well, everybody in the world knows that Americans are geographically challenged, and historically challenged. We don’t have a sense of who we are or where we are. So I think every American that I know was weeping over the next several weeks and devastated and shocked. And was that an act of pure terror? It absolutely was. And there are many other acts of terror carried out by our government, even recently, that are comparable. And there are other acts of terror that have gone on in places like Bosnia that we forgot to notice. So I have very mixed emotions about how it’s been…well, put it this way, I have no mixed emotions about terrorism being always evil, always wrong. But what I think is crazy is to use that moment to advance a right wing agenda that, on every front, every uterus must be examined, every tree chopped down, every oil well dug. I mean, it’s absolute madness, and September 11th is the answer that’s given to anything that these fanatics would like to do.


Rosen-Ayers 6

JR: When you become so heavily, emotionally, intellectually and physically invested in a goal such as we must stop this war, we must stop the killing… 

BA: Right. 

JR: …and you fail to achieve it, or at least in a certain time frame, how do you go on living? You know, how do you not succumb from just a complete heartbreak? 

BA: Well, I think that that’s a good question emotionally, but I think that, you know, what…one of the problems I think that Americans have, all of us, is that we feel that we ought to be able to have a simple solution to a complex problem, and we ought to be able to cure a virus with a pill, or stop a war because…I mean, one of the things I feel like I’m combating today with young people is the feeling of disappointment and heartbreak that after the largest anti-war mobilization in history on February 15th, 2003, we failed to stop him from going to war. And so the feeling is oh, we were a completely failure. I don’t quite see it that way. I think that in the Vietnam period, that we built a robust, complicated, multi-tiered, multi-faceted anti-war movement. It actually played a very powerful role in limiting the options of the war makers. Had there not been an anti-war movement, I think there would have been nuclear weapons used in Vietnam.  They would have flooded the dykes. That was on the drawing boards. General Haig wanted to bomb the dyke system and kill millions more. And I think the anti-war movement both in the United States and in Europe limited that option. So I don’t take it as a complete defeat. The war lasted ten years. That’s ten years longer than it should have lasted. But it didn’t last thirty years. It didn’t last forty years. Three million people were needlessly killed, but not thirty million, and not three hundred million. So you know, it’s horrible, and I was completely invested, I lived and breathed it day and night, and I think I was on the side of justice, and ultimately I think it’ll be seen that way.




Friday, October 10, 2008
Posted by: Bill Dyer at 10:10 PM

(Guest Post by Bill Dyer a/k/a Beldar)

Democratic state senator and staunch Barack Obama supporter Hollis French of Alaska boasted in early September that he would provide an "October Surprise" which would upset the McCain-Palin campaign. Indeed, he originally planned to time it for October 31, four days before the election, for maximum impact, until other legislators forced him to abandon that particular strategy.

Today, however, in an episode of political theater that would make Josef Stalin blush, French gave it his very best shot: The investigator he hired and directed, Steve Branchflower, has labored mightily and given birth to a bloated and redundant 263-page report which boils down, for purposes of the ongoing presidential campaign, to two paragraphs that completely contradict one another. And the one of them that's unfavorable ignores the most important — indeed conclusive — evidence on point, but goes on to provide Branchflower's guess as to whether Gov. Palin has done anything improper.

Please understand this, if you take nothing else away from reading this post: The Branchflower Report is a series of guesses and insupportable conclusions drawn by exactly one guy, and it hasn't been approved or adopted or endorsed by so much as a single sub-committee of the Alaska Legislature, much less any kind of commission, court, jury, or other proper adjudicatory body. It contains no new bombshells in terms of factual revelations. Rather, it's just Steve Branchflower's opinion — after being hired and directed by one of Gov. Palin's most vocal opponents and one of Alaska's staunchest Obama supporters — that he thinks Gov. Palin had, at worst, mixed motives for an action that even Branchflower admits she unquestionably had both (a) the complete right to perform and (b) other very good reasons to perform.

Here are the two key "findings," however (from page 8 of the .pdf file; boldface mine):

Finding Number One

For the reasons explained in section IV of this report, I find that Governor Sarah Palin abused her power by violating Alaska Statute 39.52.110(a) of the Alaska Executive Branch Ethics Act. Alaska Statute 39.52.110(a) provides

The legislature reaffirms that each public officer holds office as a public trust, and any effort to benefit a personal or financial interest through official action is a violation of that trust."

Finding Number Two

I find that, although Walt Monegan's refusal to fire Trooper Michael Wooten was not the sole reason he was fired by Governor Sarah Palin, it was likely a contributing factor to his termination as Commissioner of Public Safety. In spite of that, Governor Palin's firing of Commissioner Monegan was a proper and lawful exercise of her constitutional and statutory authority to hire and fire executive branch department heads.

Here's a note to Mr. Branchflower, who clearly is verbose, but obviously none too keen a scholar of logic: Gov. Palin's so-called "firing" of Monegan (it wasn't a firing, it was a re-assignment to other government duties that he resigned rather than accept) can't simultaneously be a violation of the Ethics Act and "a proper and lawful exercise of her constitutional and statutory authority." This, gentle readers, is a 263-page piece of political circus that actually explicitly refutes itself on its single most key page!

What's more incredible is that Branchflower utterly ignores the public admission made by Walt Monegan himself that ought to have ended this entire inquiry (boldface mine):

"For the record, no one ever said fire Wooten. Not the governor. Not Todd. Not any of the other staff," Monegan said Friday from Portland. "What they said directly was more along the lines of 'This isn't a person that we would want to be representing our state troopers.'"

That explains, of course, why it took a couple of weeks for Monegan to be persuaded that he'd been improperly "fired" (for supposedly refusing to fire Wooten) by an Alaska blogger, Andrew Halcro — a bitter loser whom Gov. Palin crushed in the 2006 Alaska gubernatorial race (he got less than 10% of the vote, proving that most Alaskans have long since figured out he's an untrustworthy windbag).

Instead, Branchflower has piled a guess (that the Palins wanted Wooten fired, rather than, for example, counseled, disciplined, or reassigned) on top of an inference (that when the Palins expressed concern to Monegan about Wooten, they were really threatening to fire Monegan if he didn't fire Wooten) on top of an innuendo (that Gov. Palin "fired" Monegan at least in part because of his failure to fire Wooten) — from which Branchflower then leaps to a legal conclusion: "abuse of authority." Branchflower reads the Ethics Act to prohibit any governmental action or decision made for justifiable reasons benefiting the State if that action or decision might also make a public official happy for any other reason. That would mean, of course, that governors must never act or decide in a way that makes them personally happy as a citizen, or as a wife or mother or daughter, and that they could only take actions or make decisions which left them feeling neutral or upset. This an incredibly shoddy tower of supposition, and a ridiculous misreading of the law.

Branchflower puts under a microscope every direct and indirect contact that can possibly be claimed to to come, directly or indirectly, from Gov. Palin or her husband, Todd. In none of them did either Sarah or Todd Palin demand or request that Wooten be fired. Some of them date back to before Gov. Palin was even a candidate for governor. All of them are equally well explained by legitimate concerns that Wooten was a potential threat to the Palin family (having already made death threats against Gov. Palin's father) and/or an embarrassment to the Alaska Department of Public Safety and the entire state law enforcement community. That the Palins also had strong — and entirely understandable! — negative feelings about Trooper Wooten does not make any of these communications remotely improper, much less illegal.

Nevertheless, Branchflower leaps to the personal conclusion (page 67 of the .pdf file) that "such claims of fear were not bona fide and were offered to provide cover for the Palins' real motivation: to get Trooper Wooten fired for personal family related reasons." Well, here's another memo to Mr. Branchflower: When the family is question is the family of the Governor of Alaska, and when her security detail is charged with protecting her from threats, and in the process of that, the security detail actively seeks out information as to who may have previously made death threats against the family, that's no longer solely a "personal family related reason." And when someone like Trooper Wooten threatens to bring ridicule and shame to the entire state of Alaska, that's no longer solely a "personal family related reason" either.

Branchflower, I'm told, is an attorney and a former prosecutor. If he thinks this kind of nonsense could support a conviction beyond a reasonable doubt, or even a finding of proof by a preponderance of the evidence, then he may be the worst lawyer I've ever encountered — and I've met a lot of awful ones in almost three decades before the bar.

More likely, however, Branchflower knows that his imaginary case will never be tested before any judge or jury — and instead, Branchflower's audience, and the audience of his political patron Sen. French, is a purely political one. They do not want you to read the 263 pages of his report, but I invite you to do so: By the end of it, you'll be thoroughly convinced that both Wooten and Monegan ought to have been fired! And if you're a person, as I am, who admires husbands and fathers who stand up for their families, you'll definitely want to shake First Dude Todd Palin's hand, and maybe even give him a (manly) bear-hug.

No, indeed, Sen. French and Mr. Branchflower dearly hope most Americans won't look past the headlines generated by this ridiculous farce of a report. French and Branchflower hope that Americans will be misled into thinking this report is from someone whose judgment or opinions actually count for something — instead of being from a hitman hired to complete a political hatchet job, as it actually is.

This report changes absolutely nothing, except that it will be manipulated politically by Obama supporters and Palin haters in an attempt to drive more potential voters into taking sides with Trooper Mike Wooten — a proven child abuser (Tasered his own 10-year-old stepson on a lark) who's been conclusively determined by his own department to have also engaged in drinking and driving in his squad car, and to have used a deadly firearm to violate the very fish-and-game laws he himself was specifically assigned to enforce. "It is nearly certain," wrote Col. Julia Grimes, then then Director of the Alaska State Troopers Division of the Alaska Department of Public Safety, "that a civilian investigated under similar circumstances would have received criminal sanctions." The only real question in Tasergate remains why Trooper Mike Wooten is still not only uncharged for his confessed crimes, but carrying a badge and gun — to the continuing shame of the good and decent people of Alaska.

-----------------------------

UPDATE (Fri Oct 10 @ 11:25 p.m. CST): Gov. Palin's office and the McCain-Palin campaign have each put out press releases making some of the same points I've made in this post. And Gov. Palin's lawyer has issued a five-page response to the Branchflower report which notes, among other things, that "[e]very prior reported Ethics Act violation involved financial motives and financial 'potential gain, or the avoidance of a potential loss.' ... Here, there is no accusation, no finding and no facts that money or financial gain to the governor was involved in the decision to replace Monegan."

Even the Anchorage Daily News is misrepresenting the meaning of this report: I just received an email update from it in which it claims that "Today Alaska legislators found Palin did abuse her power in the 'Troopergate' controversy." That's absolutely false — the Alaska Legislature is not in session, and all that happened today was that the 12-member Legislative Council that received the Branchflower Report voted unanimously to release its first volume (the 263-page .pdf file linked above) to the public. Several more volumes and hundreds more pages prepared by Branchflower still remain confidential — suggesting that Branchflower's selective quotations in the report may well have been "cherry-picked" or taken out of context — but the governor's office has itself posted quite a few more documents pertaining to the investigation on the internet, confirming Gov. Palin's repeated statements that she has nothing to hide in this entire matter.

— Beldar



Friday, October 10, 2008
Posted by: Hugh Hewitt at 7:04 PM
The best news all week is this report of Obama's decision "to play it safe."  NFL fans know what this means: A hair raising close that can go against the team that plays against the deep threat only.

If you have any doubt about the volatility of presidential elections, be sure to read E.J. Dionne's piece on the subject from 1988, and the background on the 1992 British elections in which John Major was expected to lose, but in fact stayed Prime Minister. See: The Shy Tory Factor for interesting background.


Friday, October 10, 2008
Posted by: Hugh Hewitt at 7:03 PM
My name is Ben Shapiro, and I'm a nationally syndicated columnist with Creators Syndicate, as well as a Harvard Law-educated lawyer in Los Angeles.  I'm also a huge fan of Hugh's show and his website, so it was truly an honor and a pleasure when Hugh offered to have me put up a guest post on the site. 
 
I'm an Orthodox Jew -- my wife hails from Israel, where we were just married in July.  So the issue of Israel is very near and dear to me, as it is to most other Jews.  With Israel in mind, this is an enormous election season for American Jewry.  It pits a consistently strong defender of Israel in John McCain against a man who is at best an enigma on the issue of Israel.  At worst, Barack Obama is far more dangerous.  His advisors are largely anti-Israel.  His friends are consistently anti-Israel.  His running mate, Joe Biden, says all of the right things but has a questionable record on the Jewish State.  And the candidate himself is ambivalent on his defense of Israel -- he reversed himself on a united Jerusalem over the course of 24 hours, and states that he will meet with Hitler-lite Mahmoud Ahmadinejad without preconditions.
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Friday, October 10, 2008
Posted by: Bill Dyer at 12:21 PM

(Guest Post by Bill Dyer a/k/a Beldar)

In Kerrigan v. Commissioner of Public Health, over the protests of three members of the court (as expressed in three dissenting opinions), a four-member majority of the Connecticut Supreme Court has overturned as "unconstitutional" a statutory system whose long-standing components were passed by Connecticut's lawmakers and signed into law by its governors over many years, and has instead decreed that henceforth in Connecticut, "same sex couples cannot be denied the freedom to marry." Here's the majority's own summary of its reasoning:

We conclude that, in light of the history of pernicious discrimination faced by gay men and lesbians, and because the institution of marriage carries with it a status and significance that the newly created classification of civil unions does not embody, the segregation of heterosexual and homosexual couples into separate institutions constitutes a cognizable harm. We also conclude that (1) our state scheme discriminates on the basis of sexual orientation, (2) for the same reasons that classifications predicated on gender are considered quasi-suspect for purposes of the equal protection provisions of the United States constitution, sexual orientation constitutes a quasi-suspect classification for purposes of the equal protection provisions of the state constitution, and, therefore, our statutes discriminating against gay persons are subject to heightened or intermediate judicial scrutiny, and (3) the state has failed to provide sufficient justification for excluding same sex couples from the institution of marriage.

Because the court relied upon its interpretation of the equal protection provision in the Connecticut state constitution rather than upon the comparable provision in the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, there is effectively no chance that the U.S. Supreme Court will review today's decision. That decision is now the law of Connecticut, subject only to being overturned by the Connecticut Supreme Court itself or by an amendment to the state constitution.

The judges who made up the majority in this ruling are precisely the kinds of judges whom Barack Obama and Joe Biden want to appoint the the federal bench. That's why Obama and Biden voted against confirmation of both Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Sam Alito. Instead, they want judges who will make law from the bench — and especially laws on the most controversial subjects (like gay marriage) that couldn't possibly gather a majority vote in Congress and a presidential signature. It's worse than meaningless, but rather a complete fraud, for Obama and Biden to tell voters that they oppose gay marriage when they will appoint judges who will bring about gay marriage by judicial decree.

This decision will alarm and dismay two partially overlapping groups of people: (a) those who believe that recognition of single-sex marriage will ultimately destroy the traditional institution of marriage and foster other bad effects in society, and (b) those who decry unrestrained judicial activism as a tyrannical seizure of political power by rogue judges in a manner that undercuts the legislative and executive branches of government, thereby rendering impotent the political decisions made by democratic majorities.
Read More...



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Monday, October 13, 2008
Obama and the Don't Drill Democrats
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BreakPoint
A Time to Pursue Truth: The Centurions Program
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Young America's Foundation
Bill Kristol: Conservatism Today
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The David Strom Show
With Host David Strom!
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